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<blockquote data-quote="sarika406" data-source="post: 18604338" data-attributes="member: 106621"><p><span style="color: Blue">C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 COLOMBO 000021</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">SIPDIS</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">DEPARTMENT FOR SCA/INSB</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">RELEASABLE TO: UK, CANADA, AUSTRALIA AND SWITZERLAND</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/10/2020</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">TAGS: PGOV PREL PREF PHUM PTER EAID MOPS CE</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">SUBJECT: SRI LANKA - ELECTIONS UPDATE NO. 6</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">REF: A. COLOMBO 11</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"> ¶B. COLOMBO 7</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"> ¶C. COLOMBO 2</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"> ¶D. 09 COLOMBO 1152</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"> ¶E. 09 COLOMBO 1145</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"> ¶F. 09 COLOMBO 1139</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">COLOMBO 00000021 001.8 OF 003</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Classified By: CHARGE VALERIE C. FOWLER. REASONS: 1.4 (B, D)</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Fonseka's Manifesto</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">-------------------</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">¶1. (C) Presidential candidate Sarath Fonseka released his</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">campaign "manifesto" on January 7, a full-color 22-page</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">brochure, which contained a strong condemnation of President</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Rajapaksa, largely on grounds of corruption and family</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">patronage. Post contacts have said the manifesto would be</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">published in all three local languages and widely</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">distributed. The manifesto talks about "believable change"</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">and contains promises on economic reform, government reform</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">and social welfare improvements. As detailed below,</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Fonseka's publication is rather thin on explanations of how</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">he intends to pay for many of the economic and social-welfare</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">initiatives he promises. There are a number of other</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">governmental reforms, however, which could be implemented</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">with little or no financial burden on the government.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Whether or not a victorious President Fonseka would have the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">political capital needed to achieve these reforms remains to</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">be seen and would be dependent on a compliant parliament.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">With parliamentary elections due within several months, the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">exact shape of any future Fonseka-era parliament is far from</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">clear at present.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">KEY PROMISES</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">------------</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">¶2. (C) The Fonseka manifesto promises a number of</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">governmental reforms, which if carried out would appear to at</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">least begin addressing many of the major concerns held by the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">international community and human rights groups.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Specifically Fonseka promises to (a) abolish the Executive</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Presidency, (b) reactivate the 17th amendment to the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">constitution, (c) end the culture of "white van"</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">disappearances and extra-judicial killings, (d) eliminate the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">press council and establish an environment of free media, (e)</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">return all remaining IDPs and double the resettlement</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">allowance they receive to 100,000 rupees ) about USD$880 )</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">per family, (f) amend the emergency regulations, and (g) deal</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">with all war-related detainees by either prosecuting them,</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">releasing them or placing them in rehabilitation programs.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">FONSEKA THE ECONOMIST?</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">----------------------</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">¶3. (C) The economic portion of Fonseka's manifesto contains</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">positive points on corruption and GSP plus, but more populist</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">positions on salaries, product prices and taxes. Fonseka</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">promises to appoint a powerful agency to combat fraud and</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">corruption, create an independent commission to audit public</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">finances, and pass a new Parliamentary ethics code. Fonseka</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">also promises to ensure that the European Union would not</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">revoke their GSP plus trade benefits, but without disclosing</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">how he would achieve this. Fonseka makes populist appeals by</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">promising to increase government salaries by 10,000 Rs ($88</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">USD) per month. Rajapaksa countered with a promise of a</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">2,500 Rs ($22 USD) raise. Fonseka promises to provide</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">pensions for agriculture and fishery workers. Fonseka plans</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">to reduce the fixed prices of certain items and to bring down</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">the price of food, diesel and kerosene and other essentials</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">by reducing taxes.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">COLOMBO 00000021 002.8 OF 003</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">COST OF CORRUPTION ) THANKS TO USAID</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">------------------------------------</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">¶4. (C) One portion of Fonseka's argument on corruption cites</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">statistics from a study partially funded by a USAID grant,</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">entitled "Impact of Corruption on Poverty and Economic</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Growth, 2007". The manifesto does not mention the role of</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">USAID in that study, and it is unknown whether Fonseka</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">himself is aware of that connection. The report states that</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">loss to corruption in 2006 amounted to about 9 percent of the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">2006 GDP of Sri Lanka.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">HOW WILL HE PAY FOR IT?</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">-----------------------</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">¶5. (C ) Candidate Fonseka's economic manifesto coincides</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">with the economic strategy described in reftel C. Fonseka</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">does not mention any real reforms except on corruption and</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">transparency. His promises to increase salaries, lower the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">cost of living and cut taxes sound good, but he does not</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">provide any credible plan to accomplish these goals. In such</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">a heated campaign environment, it is not surprising that</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Fonseka's economic manifesto reveals more of his campaign</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">strategy than an economic program following the election.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">WHAT ISSUES WILL DRIVE THE VOTERS?</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">----------------------------------</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">¶6. (C) It is unclear how many votes this manifesto will</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">garner. The language used in it is very professional and</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">nuanced, and the arguments on corruption appear convincing,</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">especially when coupled with other documents floating around</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Sri Lanka's e-mail network which detail the corrupt financial</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">dealings of the Rajapaksa family. Post is sending local</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">staff into the field to get a sense of the political mood</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">outside of Colombo and will draw from that reporting in</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">upcoming elections-related cables. So far voters seem</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">largely interested in economic matters and care much less</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">about security-related issues than they may have some six</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">months ago when the war was still fresh on everyone's minds.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">While Fonseka may be short on specific s for his economic</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">plan, it nonetheless is more detailed than the Rajapaksa plan</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">thus far, and his attacks on the cost of the Rajapaksas'</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">corruption may well resonate.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">RAJAPAKSA PROMISES RELEASE</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">OF SOME DETAINEES</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">--------------------------</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">¶8. (C) While in Jaffna, Rajapaksa told the local Catholic</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">COLOMBO 00000021 003.6 OF 003</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Bishop that all LTTE suspects held on minor charges would be</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">released, pending a review of their case by the Attorney</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">General's office. Local media had been reporting over the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">weekend that some 700 of the ex-LTTE combatants held in</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Vavuniya since the end of the war had been released. Post</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">contacts said by January 11 they were still waiting for a</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">formal court order allowing their release.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">RAJAPAKSA MANIFESTO</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">-------------------</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">¶9. (C) President Rajapaksa released his own manifesto</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">document on January 11. Post will report in more detail in</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">the next elections update cable once a full english</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">translation is obtained, but early reports are that the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">document is less specific in its promises when compared with</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Fonseka's manifesto.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">COMMENT: WHO WILL WIN?</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">-----------------------</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">¶10. (C) This election is still very much up in the air.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Polls here are very scattered and likely to be statistically</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">unreliable, but anecdotal evidence shows a growth in support</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">for Fonseka. Rajapaksa still has an enormous advantage in</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">his illegal use of state resources, but the idea of "change"</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">is becoming the issue of the day, even if Fonseka has not yet</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">provided specifics on how to achieve all his promises of</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">change. Initial contact with voters in rural areas shows a</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">focus on economic issues rather than security.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">COMMENT: IF FONSEKA, WHAT NEXT?</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">------------------------------</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">¶11. (C) Some local political analysts have begun to entertain</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">scenarios of what might happen in the Sri Lankan government</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">if Fonseka did win. Early opinions say that the wide-spread</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">UNF coalition he has assembled had no intention of staying</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">together for parliamentary elections. <span style="font-size: 18px"> Indeed Post local</span></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"><span style="font-size: 18px">political staff are finding that local political organizers,</span></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"><span style="font-size: 18px">in particular those from the JVP, are squirreling away</span></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"><span style="font-size: 18px">presidential campaign funds to use for their own</span></span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"><span style="font-size: 18px">parliamentary campaigns. </span> The JVP is showing its</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">organizational strength on the ground and is likely to</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">benefit in general elections. Some are saying that if</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Rajapaksa loses, his family's fortunes in the SLFP will end,</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">and it will revert back to its more historic form. Rumors</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">have cropped up in the past week that former President</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga may announce her support</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">for Fonseka, with her son Vimukthi Kumaratunga at her side.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">This then would serve as Vimukthi's entrance into the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">political world, and a passing of the torch to the next</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">generation of the Bandaranaike family, which has been deeply</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">involved in Sri Lankan politics for some 300 years.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Interestingly, Mangala Samaraweera, seen by many as the</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">brains behind Fonseka's campaign strategy, also ran</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">Chandrika's presidential campaign and was known as one of her</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">close confidantes. He is thought by some to be a possible</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">candidate for Prime Minister in a Fonseka administration.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">End Comment.</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue">FOWLER</span></p><p><span style="color: Blue"></span></p><p>source cable from US embassy colombo wikileaks</p><p></p><p><span style="font-size: 18px">ඔක්කොම හොරු</span></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="sarika406, post: 18604338, member: 106621"] [COLOR="Blue"]C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 COLOMBO 000021 SIPDIS DEPARTMENT FOR SCA/INSB RELEASABLE TO: UK, CANADA, AUSTRALIA AND SWITZERLAND E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/10/2020 TAGS: PGOV PREL PREF PHUM PTER EAID MOPS CE SUBJECT: SRI LANKA - ELECTIONS UPDATE NO. 6 REF: A. COLOMBO 11 ¶B. COLOMBO 7 ¶C. COLOMBO 2 ¶D. 09 COLOMBO 1152 ¶E. 09 COLOMBO 1145 ¶F. 09 COLOMBO 1139 COLOMBO 00000021 001.8 OF 003 Classified By: CHARGE VALERIE C. FOWLER. REASONS: 1.4 (B, D) Fonseka's Manifesto ------------------- ¶1. (C) Presidential candidate Sarath Fonseka released his campaign "manifesto" on January 7, a full-color 22-page brochure, which contained a strong condemnation of President Rajapaksa, largely on grounds of corruption and family patronage. Post contacts have said the manifesto would be published in all three local languages and widely distributed. The manifesto talks about "believable change" and contains promises on economic reform, government reform and social welfare improvements. As detailed below, Fonseka's publication is rather thin on explanations of how he intends to pay for many of the economic and social-welfare initiatives he promises. There are a number of other governmental reforms, however, which could be implemented with little or no financial burden on the government. Whether or not a victorious President Fonseka would have the political capital needed to achieve these reforms remains to be seen and would be dependent on a compliant parliament. With parliamentary elections due within several months, the exact shape of any future Fonseka-era parliament is far from clear at present. KEY PROMISES ------------ ¶2. (C) The Fonseka manifesto promises a number of governmental reforms, which if carried out would appear to at least begin addressing many of the major concerns held by the international community and human rights groups. Specifically Fonseka promises to (a) abolish the Executive Presidency, (b) reactivate the 17th amendment to the constitution, (c) end the culture of "white van" disappearances and extra-judicial killings, (d) eliminate the press council and establish an environment of free media, (e) return all remaining IDPs and double the resettlement allowance they receive to 100,000 rupees ) about USD$880 ) per family, (f) amend the emergency regulations, and (g) deal with all war-related detainees by either prosecuting them, releasing them or placing them in rehabilitation programs. FONSEKA THE ECONOMIST? ---------------------- ¶3. (C) The economic portion of Fonseka's manifesto contains positive points on corruption and GSP plus, but more populist positions on salaries, product prices and taxes. Fonseka promises to appoint a powerful agency to combat fraud and corruption, create an independent commission to audit public finances, and pass a new Parliamentary ethics code. Fonseka also promises to ensure that the European Union would not revoke their GSP plus trade benefits, but without disclosing how he would achieve this. Fonseka makes populist appeals by promising to increase government salaries by 10,000 Rs ($88 USD) per month. Rajapaksa countered with a promise of a 2,500 Rs ($22 USD) raise. Fonseka promises to provide pensions for agriculture and fishery workers. Fonseka plans to reduce the fixed prices of certain items and to bring down the price of food, diesel and kerosene and other essentials by reducing taxes. COLOMBO 00000021 002.8 OF 003 COST OF CORRUPTION ) THANKS TO USAID ------------------------------------ ¶4. (C) One portion of Fonseka's argument on corruption cites statistics from a study partially funded by a USAID grant, entitled "Impact of Corruption on Poverty and Economic Growth, 2007". The manifesto does not mention the role of USAID in that study, and it is unknown whether Fonseka himself is aware of that connection. The report states that loss to corruption in 2006 amounted to about 9 percent of the 2006 GDP of Sri Lanka. HOW WILL HE PAY FOR IT? ----------------------- ¶5. (C ) Candidate Fonseka's economic manifesto coincides with the economic strategy described in reftel C. Fonseka does not mention any real reforms except on corruption and transparency. His promises to increase salaries, lower the cost of living and cut taxes sound good, but he does not provide any credible plan to accomplish these goals. In such a heated campaign environment, it is not surprising that Fonseka's economic manifesto reveals more of his campaign strategy than an economic program following the election. WHAT ISSUES WILL DRIVE THE VOTERS? ---------------------------------- ¶6. (C) It is unclear how many votes this manifesto will garner. The language used in it is very professional and nuanced, and the arguments on corruption appear convincing, especially when coupled with other documents floating around Sri Lanka's e-mail network which detail the corrupt financial dealings of the Rajapaksa family. Post is sending local staff into the field to get a sense of the political mood outside of Colombo and will draw from that reporting in upcoming elections-related cables. So far voters seem largely interested in economic matters and care much less about security-related issues than they may have some six months ago when the war was still fresh on everyone's minds. While Fonseka may be short on specific s for his economic plan, it nonetheless is more detailed than the Rajapaksa plan thus far, and his attacks on the cost of the Rajapaksas' corruption may well resonate. RAJAPAKSA PROMISES RELEASE OF SOME DETAINEES -------------------------- ¶8. (C) While in Jaffna, Rajapaksa told the local Catholic COLOMBO 00000021 003.6 OF 003 Bishop that all LTTE suspects held on minor charges would be released, pending a review of their case by the Attorney General's office. Local media had been reporting over the weekend that some 700 of the ex-LTTE combatants held in Vavuniya since the end of the war had been released. Post contacts said by January 11 they were still waiting for a formal court order allowing their release. RAJAPAKSA MANIFESTO ------------------- ¶9. (C) President Rajapaksa released his own manifesto document on January 11. Post will report in more detail in the next elections update cable once a full english translation is obtained, but early reports are that the document is less specific in its promises when compared with Fonseka's manifesto. COMMENT: WHO WILL WIN? ----------------------- ¶10. (C) This election is still very much up in the air. Polls here are very scattered and likely to be statistically unreliable, but anecdotal evidence shows a growth in support for Fonseka. Rajapaksa still has an enormous advantage in his illegal use of state resources, but the idea of "change" is becoming the issue of the day, even if Fonseka has not yet provided specifics on how to achieve all his promises of change. Initial contact with voters in rural areas shows a focus on economic issues rather than security. COMMENT: IF FONSEKA, WHAT NEXT? ------------------------------ ¶11. (C) Some local political analysts have begun to entertain scenarios of what might happen in the Sri Lankan government if Fonseka did win. Early opinions say that the wide-spread UNF coalition he has assembled had no intention of staying together for parliamentary elections. [SIZE="5"] Indeed Post local political staff are finding that local political organizers, in particular those from the JVP, are squirreling away presidential campaign funds to use for their own parliamentary campaigns. [/SIZE] The JVP is showing its organizational strength on the ground and is likely to benefit in general elections. Some are saying that if Rajapaksa loses, his family's fortunes in the SLFP will end, and it will revert back to its more historic form. Rumors have cropped up in the past week that former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga may announce her support for Fonseka, with her son Vimukthi Kumaratunga at her side. This then would serve as Vimukthi's entrance into the political world, and a passing of the torch to the next generation of the Bandaranaike family, which has been deeply involved in Sri Lankan politics for some 300 years. Interestingly, Mangala Samaraweera, seen by many as the brains behind Fonseka's campaign strategy, also ran Chandrika's presidential campaign and was known as one of her close confidantes. He is thought by some to be a possible candidate for Prime Minister in a Fonseka administration. End Comment. FOWLER [/COLOR] source cable from US embassy colombo wikileaks [SIZE="5"]ඔක්කොම හොරු[/SIZE] [/QUOTE]
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