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<blockquote data-quote="yosh371" data-source="post: 19682757" data-attributes="member: 329295"><p>Douglas Peiris as source</p><p>Chandraprema met Douglas Peiris only on two or three occasions in Peliyagoda and that too always in the company of Dharmasiri who was Chandraprema's batchmate at university. He states that in any case the only information he was able to get from Douglas Peiris was a list of names of JVP politbureau and central committee members. In August 1989 Dharmasiri was killed allegedly by the JVP. Thereafter Chandraprema had no further connection with SSP Douglas Peiris.</p><p>Daya Pathirana and Vijaya Kumaratunga</p><p>Now Daya Pathirana was a Colombo University student and the very first leader of the ISU. He was killed by the JVP in December 1986. In January 1988, the man who delivered the first ever Daya Pathirana memorial lecture at the New Town Hall was none other than leader of the SLMP at the time Vijaya Kumaratunga. During this lecture Vijaya Kumaratunga made an eloquent speech where he emphatically stated that whatever anyone may say, Daya Pathirana was killed by the JVP.' A month after this lecture Vijaya Kumaratunga himself was brutally shot down by the JVP. Incidentally, Vijaya was taken to the memorial lecture by this very same Dharmasiri (also killed by the JVP) whom Douglas Peiris now states in his affidavit had connections with Ranil Wickremesinghe. However investigations and evidence reveal that in fact all of these people were closely connected to the left and to the SLMP, USA and BNP.</p><p>Suspected PRRA members linked to USA</p><p>Funnily enough, in 1997 the CID arrested alleged members of the so-called PRRA, an anti-JVP outfit that was supposed to be on the loose during this terror period. One of the many persons arrested was a Shelton Nonis who has now been released. Who is Shelton Nonis? He was a Wayamba provincial council member from 1988-1993 representing the United Socialist Alliance under the leadership of Chandrika Kumaratunga.</p><p>Another person arrested also in 1997 as a suspected PRRA leader was one Sarath Silva. His story is even more damning and gives details as to the house in Colombo 7 he lived at the relevant period and the connections PRRA had to the USA. His statement to the CID will be revealed in due course.</p><p>Consider the facts. On the one hand we have Chandraprema saying that his connections were with the USA and not with the UNP. We have every name mentioned in the affidavit linked only to the SLMP or BNP and some like Dharmasiri with close connections to the late SLMP leader Vijaya Kumaratunga.</p><p>Let's face it. The period in question was one of terror and anarchy. The JVP had gone on a killer rampage and for a time seemed unstoppable in their bloody quest. In this backdrop the biggest threat by the JVP were to the UNP as the incumbent government and parties such as the SLMP which were at that time active as political parties and though pro -leftist were anti JVP.</p><p>Weapons for the SLMP</p><p>Adding credence to this is the fact that at this time (1988/89) the ministry of defence issued weapons to the SLMP for the purpose of protection from JVP terror elements. A list of weapons from .38 revolvers to other types of arms and ammunition was supplied by the MOD for the purpose. (Please refer box for details of weapons supplied)</p><p>On March 25, 1988 .38 revolvers, guns, cartridges and other ammunition was released by the MOD for the specific purpose of distributing these weapons to the party candidates of Chandrika Kumaratunga (please see box) and was accepted on her behalf by Nimalsiri Jayasinghe. Chandrika Kumaratunga left the country for England in April 1988.</p><p>Now Nimalsiri Jayasinghe also known as Loku Athula (when he was part of the JVP movement) was elected an MP in 1994 under the PA government and subsequently made a deputy minister. At the dissolution of parliament last week he remained a deputy minister. Furthermore the late Y.P. Silva who was SLMP general secretary during this period signed letters releasing weapons now in the possession of the SLMP to party candidates for their security. Incidentally he was appointed to the national list of the PA in 1994 and subsequently handed over a deputy ministership in the PA government up until his death some two years ago</p><p>For instance on 3.1.1989, Y.P. Silva signs a note on a SLMP letterhead granting permission to D. B. W. Wickremaratne, the leader of the opposition of the Uva Provincial Council to carry the weapons as laid down in the letter. (see box)</p><p>Minds you, all of these weapons were stored and distributed from Chandrika Kumaratunga's house at Rosmead Place. This fact becomes even more evident when one peruses the contents of letters she wrote from London. The PRRA Leader Sarath Silva himself had admitted both to the CID and on camera that the weapons used by the organisation were those issued to the USA.</p><p>From England on June 12,1888, Chandrika Kumaratunga was to write to Ossie Abeygunasekera and Y. P. Silva requesting them to vacate her home at No.63, Rosmead Place by June 30 at latest. She says among other interesting things this. "Also please do not use the house for any political work hereafter in my absence. No discussions, no storing of arms and ammunition etc, etc."</p><p>This proves the fact that arms and ammunition was indeed stored at her Rosmead Place premises with her knowledge.</p><p>Again also from London she was to write a heartfelt, stirring letter of rhetorical nature, to party members, telling them what they should do to combat JVP bloodshed. And that security measures should be taken immediately. She warns that the party membership, especially the executive committee members, should not give out information to other organisations. And that though the party never did this before, now there is a need to find out about leaking of information. Especially she notes, one should find out if there are any members with any JVP connections.</p><p>She then poses the rhetorical question; "How many members are there in our executive committee who can meet the new political culture? Are they not persons who still continue to work on old peaceful political principles. But we need to train people in order that they may acquire the traits necessary for this new culture. We need to give them an understanding of politics. From the branch offices to the higher levels the administration, the party must be structured in a manner that is necessary for this period. We also need to set up a large fund."</p><p>She urges the party that comprehensive security measures must be taken immediately. She continues, "It is our responsibility to protect the leaders of the party at all levels. History will never forgive us if we only hold large funerals and do not protect the remaining progressive honest persons and let them be destroyed."</p><p>"What so far we have done without a plan we should now continue and build with a clear plan. For this purpose we have the capital-: People, including other things." (What does Kumaratunga mean by other things' in this sentence? We know already that she had arms and ammunition stored in her house. This is on her own admission and on documentation.</p><p>She again continues in this letter to her party. "We must strengthen the left. We must establish links with progressive Tamil groups." (The progressive groups at the time were PLOTE and EPRLF).</p><p>Later on in the letter she goes on to say, "In the face of 11 years of suppression by the UNP, and in the face of a year of JVP terror yet what have the majority of the people done? Except for discussions and arguments, did the people ever rise up? Though tens of lakhs of people participated in Vijaya's funeral did even one of them raise a finger against a JVPer in the village? I feel that the majority of the people even though they know what is happening is wrong will stay silent and save only themselves....."</p><p>So it becomes amply clear that this was a party leader who wanted her party to rise up and fight back against JVP terror. After all it was a time when her party and her members were also under severe threat by the JVP. Her husband had already been mowed down by them.</p><p>The photograph elsewhere on this page taken during the relevant period mentioned in the affidavit shows Salinda Dissanayake on stage carrying a weapon. He was an active SLMP and later BNP member. Dissanayake is also a deputy minister in the PA government and MP up until August 18.</p><p>Therefore the whole affair seems to have done a full circle. It was Chandraprema's USA connections that first threw a spanner in the works. Whether this was a conspiracy hatched by Sirisena Cooray and others or not, it was most certainly a conspiracy. That was obvious from the timing and the way the whole investigation was handled. However now the conspirators whoever they are, in a dilemma. Not only is their only ally Douglas Peiris back-tracking (he did not make any damning statement in court as he threatened to) but the plan has turned full circle like a particularly well oiled aboriginal boomerang.</p><p>It is learnt that the conspirators realising the folly of their ways have decided to abandon this particular course of action to blacken the name of political rivals. No doubt in the true spirit of modern Sri Lankan politics they will soon resort to other methods. After all it was the president herself, as SLMP leader at the time who urged her members to be well trained to meet any eventuality. And the bulk of the modern SLFP under Chandrika's leadership consists of defectors to the SLMP and BNP in the late 1980s. These are her confidantes. Certainly hardcore SLFPers who have been accustomed to the leadership of Sirimavo Bandaranaike will not look kindly on these methods of governance and or politicking.</p><p>Meanwhile another question arises. Where are all these weapons once handed over so generously to the SLMP members? Have they been returned? For, they were released on a temporary basis by the MOD for the purpose of security only. Can Chandrika Kumaratunga in whose name these weapons and bullets were released, account for every weapon and more importantly every bullet?</p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="yosh371, post: 19682757, member: 329295"] Douglas Peiris as source Chandraprema met Douglas Peiris only on two or three occasions in Peliyagoda and that too always in the company of Dharmasiri who was Chandraprema's batchmate at university. He states that in any case the only information he was able to get from Douglas Peiris was a list of names of JVP politbureau and central committee members. In August 1989 Dharmasiri was killed allegedly by the JVP. Thereafter Chandraprema had no further connection with SSP Douglas Peiris. Daya Pathirana and Vijaya Kumaratunga Now Daya Pathirana was a Colombo University student and the very first leader of the ISU. He was killed by the JVP in December 1986. In January 1988, the man who delivered the first ever Daya Pathirana memorial lecture at the New Town Hall was none other than leader of the SLMP at the time Vijaya Kumaratunga. During this lecture Vijaya Kumaratunga made an eloquent speech where he emphatically stated that whatever anyone may say, Daya Pathirana was killed by the JVP.' A month after this lecture Vijaya Kumaratunga himself was brutally shot down by the JVP. Incidentally, Vijaya was taken to the memorial lecture by this very same Dharmasiri (also killed by the JVP) whom Douglas Peiris now states in his affidavit had connections with Ranil Wickremesinghe. However investigations and evidence reveal that in fact all of these people were closely connected to the left and to the SLMP, USA and BNP. Suspected PRRA members linked to USA Funnily enough, in 1997 the CID arrested alleged members of the so-called PRRA, an anti-JVP outfit that was supposed to be on the loose during this terror period. One of the many persons arrested was a Shelton Nonis who has now been released. Who is Shelton Nonis? He was a Wayamba provincial council member from 1988-1993 representing the United Socialist Alliance under the leadership of Chandrika Kumaratunga. Another person arrested also in 1997 as a suspected PRRA leader was one Sarath Silva. His story is even more damning and gives details as to the house in Colombo 7 he lived at the relevant period and the connections PRRA had to the USA. His statement to the CID will be revealed in due course. Consider the facts. On the one hand we have Chandraprema saying that his connections were with the USA and not with the UNP. We have every name mentioned in the affidavit linked only to the SLMP or BNP and some like Dharmasiri with close connections to the late SLMP leader Vijaya Kumaratunga. Let's face it. The period in question was one of terror and anarchy. The JVP had gone on a killer rampage and for a time seemed unstoppable in their bloody quest. In this backdrop the biggest threat by the JVP were to the UNP as the incumbent government and parties such as the SLMP which were at that time active as political parties and though pro -leftist were anti JVP. Weapons for the SLMP Adding credence to this is the fact that at this time (1988/89) the ministry of defence issued weapons to the SLMP for the purpose of protection from JVP terror elements. A list of weapons from .38 revolvers to other types of arms and ammunition was supplied by the MOD for the purpose. (Please refer box for details of weapons supplied) On March 25, 1988 .38 revolvers, guns, cartridges and other ammunition was released by the MOD for the specific purpose of distributing these weapons to the party candidates of Chandrika Kumaratunga (please see box) and was accepted on her behalf by Nimalsiri Jayasinghe. Chandrika Kumaratunga left the country for England in April 1988. Now Nimalsiri Jayasinghe also known as Loku Athula (when he was part of the JVP movement) was elected an MP in 1994 under the PA government and subsequently made a deputy minister. At the dissolution of parliament last week he remained a deputy minister. Furthermore the late Y.P. Silva who was SLMP general secretary during this period signed letters releasing weapons now in the possession of the SLMP to party candidates for their security. Incidentally he was appointed to the national list of the PA in 1994 and subsequently handed over a deputy ministership in the PA government up until his death some two years ago For instance on 3.1.1989, Y.P. Silva signs a note on a SLMP letterhead granting permission to D. B. W. Wickremaratne, the leader of the opposition of the Uva Provincial Council to carry the weapons as laid down in the letter. (see box) Minds you, all of these weapons were stored and distributed from Chandrika Kumaratunga's house at Rosmead Place. This fact becomes even more evident when one peruses the contents of letters she wrote from London. The PRRA Leader Sarath Silva himself had admitted both to the CID and on camera that the weapons used by the organisation were those issued to the USA. From England on June 12,1888, Chandrika Kumaratunga was to write to Ossie Abeygunasekera and Y. P. Silva requesting them to vacate her home at No.63, Rosmead Place by June 30 at latest. She says among other interesting things this. "Also please do not use the house for any political work hereafter in my absence. No discussions, no storing of arms and ammunition etc, etc." This proves the fact that arms and ammunition was indeed stored at her Rosmead Place premises with her knowledge. Again also from London she was to write a heartfelt, stirring letter of rhetorical nature, to party members, telling them what they should do to combat JVP bloodshed. And that security measures should be taken immediately. She warns that the party membership, especially the executive committee members, should not give out information to other organisations. And that though the party never did this before, now there is a need to find out about leaking of information. Especially she notes, one should find out if there are any members with any JVP connections. She then poses the rhetorical question; "How many members are there in our executive committee who can meet the new political culture? Are they not persons who still continue to work on old peaceful political principles. But we need to train people in order that they may acquire the traits necessary for this new culture. We need to give them an understanding of politics. From the branch offices to the higher levels the administration, the party must be structured in a manner that is necessary for this period. We also need to set up a large fund." She urges the party that comprehensive security measures must be taken immediately. She continues, "It is our responsibility to protect the leaders of the party at all levels. History will never forgive us if we only hold large funerals and do not protect the remaining progressive honest persons and let them be destroyed." "What so far we have done without a plan we should now continue and build with a clear plan. For this purpose we have the capital-: People, including other things." (What does Kumaratunga mean by other things' in this sentence? We know already that she had arms and ammunition stored in her house. This is on her own admission and on documentation. She again continues in this letter to her party. "We must strengthen the left. We must establish links with progressive Tamil groups." (The progressive groups at the time were PLOTE and EPRLF). Later on in the letter she goes on to say, "In the face of 11 years of suppression by the UNP, and in the face of a year of JVP terror yet what have the majority of the people done? Except for discussions and arguments, did the people ever rise up? Though tens of lakhs of people participated in Vijaya's funeral did even one of them raise a finger against a JVPer in the village? I feel that the majority of the people even though they know what is happening is wrong will stay silent and save only themselves....." So it becomes amply clear that this was a party leader who wanted her party to rise up and fight back against JVP terror. After all it was a time when her party and her members were also under severe threat by the JVP. Her husband had already been mowed down by them. The photograph elsewhere on this page taken during the relevant period mentioned in the affidavit shows Salinda Dissanayake on stage carrying a weapon. He was an active SLMP and later BNP member. Dissanayake is also a deputy minister in the PA government and MP up until August 18. Therefore the whole affair seems to have done a full circle. It was Chandraprema's USA connections that first threw a spanner in the works. Whether this was a conspiracy hatched by Sirisena Cooray and others or not, it was most certainly a conspiracy. That was obvious from the timing and the way the whole investigation was handled. However now the conspirators whoever they are, in a dilemma. Not only is their only ally Douglas Peiris back-tracking (he did not make any damning statement in court as he threatened to) but the plan has turned full circle like a particularly well oiled aboriginal boomerang. It is learnt that the conspirators realising the folly of their ways have decided to abandon this particular course of action to blacken the name of political rivals. No doubt in the true spirit of modern Sri Lankan politics they will soon resort to other methods. After all it was the president herself, as SLMP leader at the time who urged her members to be well trained to meet any eventuality. And the bulk of the modern SLFP under Chandrika's leadership consists of defectors to the SLMP and BNP in the late 1980s. These are her confidantes. Certainly hardcore SLFPers who have been accustomed to the leadership of Sirimavo Bandaranaike will not look kindly on these methods of governance and or politicking. Meanwhile another question arises. Where are all these weapons once handed over so generously to the SLMP members? Have they been returned? For, they were released on a temporary basis by the MOD for the purpose of security only. Can Chandrika Kumaratunga in whose name these weapons and bullets were released, account for every weapon and more importantly every bullet? [/QUOTE]
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