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ElaKiri Talk!
The morning after the political honeymoon: Frogy Sirisena’s future
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<blockquote data-quote="netlife007" data-source="post: 19701114" data-attributes="member: 79514"><p><span style="font-size: 22px"><strong><span style="color: Teal">The morning after the political honeymoon: Frogy Sirisena’s future</span></strong></span></p><p></p><p><span style="font-family: 'Georgia'"><span style="font-size: 15px"><span style="color: Blue">With days turning into weeks and weeks into months, President Maithripala Sirisena appeared to have realized that power is ultimately the primary concern of politics and political leadership. What necessarily follows from this is also the realization that, to sustain a ‘good government’ in trying times one has to engage in practices which are antithetical to the very idea of good governance. Ever a contradiction to the ordinary mind, this is an uncomfortable reality in politics.</span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: 'Georgia'"><span style="font-size: 15px"><span style="color: Blue">But in a democracy (unlike in any other system of governance), political realities can carry unpredictable consequences. Now with the completion of the first year in power, the people are exposed to a leader and a government, confronted by daunting challenges, facing an uncertain future. Once considered a refreshing voice – and still the West’s newfound darling of South Asia – President Sirisena has begun to speak and act in old and familiar ways. This isn’t surprising. As a political honeymoon (between a President and the people) slowly ends, the popularity wanes and the stains become more apparent, it would be natural for a leader to wonder how to retain power while protecting himself from his political enemies.</span></span></span></p><p></p><p><span style="font-family: 'Georgia'"><span style="font-size: 15px"><span style="color: Blue"><strong>Lamentation</strong></span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: 'Georgia'"><span style="font-size: 15px"><span style="color: Blue">Democracies can tell us how the people have voted, what the numbers are. But they are unable to tell us accurately why leaders get defeated, why the people voted the way they did. This inability has caused the popular lamentation one encounters in political commentary about Sri Lanka today. In wondering, as political commentators often do, whether real ‘change’ has taken place, one may be engaging in a critical exercise; but it’s also an exercise that stems from a misunderstanding of what actually happened in January, 2015.</span></span></span></p><p></p><p><span style="font-family: 'Georgia'"><span style="font-size: 15px"><span style="color: Blue"><strong>Rajapaksa-defeat</strong></span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: 'Georgia'"><span style="font-size: 15px"><span style="color: Blue">Mahinda Rajapaksa’s key failure is often considered to have been his inability to introduce democratic reform. While this is only partially true, there were more decisive reasons for his downfall. One of the most significant was Rajapaksa’s inability to respect and please the ‘old guard’ of the SLFP. Surrounded by his own family, Rajapaksa underestimated the anger and frustration that was generating within the SLFP’s senior-camp. Inevitably, the regime cracked with Sirisena’s exit; and perhaps with that, the hearts of the senior SLFPers were never at the same place again. Torn between a secret desire to support the new developments and the sheer impossibility of imagining a world without Rajapaksa in power, the senior SLFPers appeared to be screaming for a victory for Rajapaksa, while hoping that the Rajapaksa-regime would be finally defeated.</span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: 'Georgia'"><span style="font-size: 15px"><span style="color: Blue">In addition, hubris had consumed him. On the one hand, in being unable to listen to his more realist-advisors, Rajapaksa proved that his methods lacked the nuance and sophistication required to act in a post-war setting; especially in addressing issues relating to accountability and power-sharing. To be sure, Rajapaksa’s overarching ideological approach to these issues was not inconsistent with the wishes of a majority. The problem, however, was one of serious ‘mismanagement’; and of course, a disgruntled West.</span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: 'Georgia'"><span style="font-size: 15px"><span style="color: Blue">On the other hand, hubris led him to alienate his broader constituency. In particular, having unleashed forces such as the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) into society, those very forces ran out of control effectively ending all hopes of retaining power. In all this, Rajapaksa failed to learn one of the least regarded lessons from Machiavelli: that in the long run, a ruler cannot run the risk of being hated by his people. In Sri Lanka’s case, the people included the minority peoples as well. After long years in democratic politics, Rajapaksa had forgotten the humbling potential of democracy: the possibility of electoral defeat. Yet, democracies work in mysterious ways. In his swift recovery, especially since August 2015, it is Rajapaksa who is slowly reminding his opponents that electoral politics is never for the complacent.</span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: 9px"><span style="color: White">.</span></span></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="netlife007, post: 19701114, member: 79514"] [SIZE=6][B][COLOR=Teal]The morning after the political honeymoon: Frogy Sirisena’s future[/COLOR][/B][/SIZE] [FONT=Georgia][SIZE=4][COLOR=Blue]With days turning into weeks and weeks into months, President Maithripala Sirisena appeared to have realized that power is ultimately the primary concern of politics and political leadership. What necessarily follows from this is also the realization that, to sustain a ‘good government’ in trying times one has to engage in practices which are antithetical to the very idea of good governance. Ever a contradiction to the ordinary mind, this is an uncomfortable reality in politics.[/COLOR][/SIZE][/FONT] [FONT=Georgia][SIZE=4][COLOR=Blue]But in a democracy (unlike in any other system of governance), political realities can carry unpredictable consequences. Now with the completion of the first year in power, the people are exposed to a leader and a government, confronted by daunting challenges, facing an uncertain future. Once considered a refreshing voice – and still the West’s newfound darling of South Asia – President Sirisena has begun to speak and act in old and familiar ways. This isn’t surprising. As a political honeymoon (between a President and the people) slowly ends, the popularity wanes and the stains become more apparent, it would be natural for a leader to wonder how to retain power while protecting himself from his political enemies.[/COLOR][/SIZE][/FONT] [FONT=Georgia][SIZE=4][COLOR=Blue][B]Lamentation[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE][/FONT] [FONT=Georgia][SIZE=4][COLOR=Blue]Democracies can tell us how the people have voted, what the numbers are. But they are unable to tell us accurately why leaders get defeated, why the people voted the way they did. This inability has caused the popular lamentation one encounters in political commentary about Sri Lanka today. In wondering, as political commentators often do, whether real ‘change’ has taken place, one may be engaging in a critical exercise; but it’s also an exercise that stems from a misunderstanding of what actually happened in January, 2015.[/COLOR][/SIZE][/FONT] [FONT=Georgia][SIZE=4][COLOR=Blue][B]Rajapaksa-defeat[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE][/FONT] [FONT=Georgia][SIZE=4][COLOR=Blue]Mahinda Rajapaksa’s key failure is often considered to have been his inability to introduce democratic reform. While this is only partially true, there were more decisive reasons for his downfall. One of the most significant was Rajapaksa’s inability to respect and please the ‘old guard’ of the SLFP. Surrounded by his own family, Rajapaksa underestimated the anger and frustration that was generating within the SLFP’s senior-camp. Inevitably, the regime cracked with Sirisena’s exit; and perhaps with that, the hearts of the senior SLFPers were never at the same place again. Torn between a secret desire to support the new developments and the sheer impossibility of imagining a world without Rajapaksa in power, the senior SLFPers appeared to be screaming for a victory for Rajapaksa, while hoping that the Rajapaksa-regime would be finally defeated.[/COLOR][/SIZE][/FONT] [FONT=Georgia][SIZE=4][COLOR=Blue]In addition, hubris had consumed him. On the one hand, in being unable to listen to his more realist-advisors, Rajapaksa proved that his methods lacked the nuance and sophistication required to act in a post-war setting; especially in addressing issues relating to accountability and power-sharing. To be sure, Rajapaksa’s overarching ideological approach to these issues was not inconsistent with the wishes of a majority. The problem, however, was one of serious ‘mismanagement’; and of course, a disgruntled West.[/COLOR][/SIZE][/FONT] [FONT=Georgia][SIZE=4][COLOR=Blue]On the other hand, hubris led him to alienate his broader constituency. In particular, having unleashed forces such as the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) into society, those very forces ran out of control effectively ending all hopes of retaining power. In all this, Rajapaksa failed to learn one of the least regarded lessons from Machiavelli: that in the long run, a ruler cannot run the risk of being hated by his people. In Sri Lanka’s case, the people included the minority peoples as well. After long years in democratic politics, Rajapaksa had forgotten the humbling potential of democracy: the possibility of electoral defeat. Yet, democracies work in mysterious ways. In his swift recovery, especially since August 2015, it is Rajapaksa who is slowly reminding his opponents that electoral politics is never for the complacent.[/COLOR][/SIZE][/FONT] [SIZE=1][COLOR=White].[/COLOR][/SIZE] [/QUOTE]
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