It appears to be the most powerful electoral alliance that has ever been
formed in the country.A political phenomenon, a coalition containing
diametrically opposed political views led by someone without any formal
political membership of any political party of the alliance he presides
over. But how far will they march together either in their victory or defeat
in the Presidential election on 26 January? Is it their last desperate
attempt against a powerful political leader who has to be defeated at all
cost, irrespective of their own closely guarded ideological and political
beliefs? If not is the UNF an insolvable political contradiction that has
been united by their political opportunism?
This article attempts to examine the political character of the parties
involved in the UNF with particular reference to their histories and their
implications for political stability and democracy in Sri Lanka
* Violent Political History *
The JVP identifies itself as a Marxist- Leninist party and believes in
socialist revolution. They have not renounced violence they espoused in the
pursuit of their political aims. The JVP has never accepted the
responsibility for their political murders and have been evasive of any
responsibility. The UNP is characterized by their reactionary and repressive
policies when in power and were mainly responsible for defeating the JVP
with a counter insurgency policy of unparallel barbarism against the
insurgents. The UNP decimated the JVP leadership and their carders during
1987-89 without any mercy and they in turn assassinated high profile leaders
in the UNP as well as left wing leaders and political activists. The JVP in
its political history has led two insurrections and they were both defeated.
They are now looking for short cuts to capture state power. Throughout
the JVP’s history of unsuccessful insurrections Sarath Fonseka (SF) served
for the Sri Lankan armed forces and was on the other side of the struggle.
The TNA which was the proxy of the LTTE are also supporting to SF who was
the military commander who decimated the Tiger leadership and defeated the
LTTE. All these parties and individuals bring to this alliance a
responsibility for many of Sri Lanka’s political tragedies the human costs
of which should haunt them forever. Yet these parties and individuals have
never expressed any remorse for the assassinations they carried out from
time to time nor have they repudiated political violence. Their past shows
them to be anti-democratic and anti-people to the core and have lost the
moral argument to be in politics or to be trusted by the people. Political
opportunism and ambition appears to have triumphed along with their history
which was riddled with undemocratic behavior and unimaginable violence. The
cynicism of their actions may be overlooked by those who do not believe that
we can expect more from politicians than this. However, what applies to
personal integrity should still apply to politics and political parties as
well. By this measure, the UNF parties have buried their integrity and
have lost their moral compass.So far they all have evaded taking
responsibility for their crimes and they will continue to do so. They
present themselves to us now, asking for our trust and our votes, claiming
that they are for democracy and that they are united. They are in effect
asking the electorate to forget their anti-democratic histories and that
they once wanted to destroy each other. It is unfortunate that they have not
tackled these contradictions which contain very serious political
implications for democracy and political stability in the country. They
should have explained to the people where they stand in relation to each
other and their violent pasts.
*Political and Economic Differences*
The UNP is the biggest party in the UNF and they are able to shape and
present policy decisions with greater confidence and conviction over the
other parties. Following the political legacy of JR Jayewardene who was the
architect of the open economic policies, they have long believed in free
market economics. The JVP is openly critical of the free market and favors
protectionist and egalitarian options. This set to be a major policy issue
that will divide them and destabilize their alliance. The UNP being the Sri
Lankan agent of the international finance capital will follow the path of
privatizing the loss making utilities a move which will be vehemently
opposed by the JVP.This clash of economic policies will inevitably lead to
political divisions and the smaller parties such as SLMC, SLFP (M) and
perhaps the TNA will be drawn into the divisive conflicts within the UNF.
All these parties will support the open market policies on the basis of
economic and political pragmatism but it is likely that the JVP will oppose
economic liberalism and fight for price controls and more nationalizations.*
*The JVP claims that they represent the working class and the poor but they
make alliances with their class enemies. They joined the UPFA before and
left and now they have joined the capitalist UNP*.* The UNP and other
parties will woo the West and redirect foreign policies accordingly while
the JVP’s xenophobic political line and anti-Indian political sentiments
will play a crucial role in blocking this attempt.
This same xenophobia will also play a major role in preventing the
resolution of the national question and the TNA will learn their bitter
lesson in supporting SF without any condition, as they claim. No political
party should have made the deal* *that the TNA agreed to, particularly in
the current political moment*.* If cleverly negotiated with SF, the TNA
could have used their political capital and electoral base to gain a major
package of devolution. Despite their ability to potentially decide the
outcome of the Presidential election, they simply declared the unconditional
support to an alliance where the reactionary bulwark of Sinhalese
nationalism, the JVP has entrenched to fight against any devolution of
power.* *It is difficult to rationalize how these contradictions and
ideological divisions can be resolved in terms of normal political behaviors
*. *
How they can reconcile and come to terms with these political histories and
work together in an alliance of parties are very difficult to rationalize in
terms of normal political behaviors. . This alliance is unreliable and
opportunistic for the alliance itself and it is inconceivable how they will
be honest about the political classes they represent.
The JVP claims that they represent the working class and the poor but they
make alliances with their class enemies. They joined the UPFA before and
left and now they have joined the capitalist UNP.
*SF as Unitary as well as Divisive Factor*
Sarath Fonseka is the pivotal figure within this unstable alliance, holding
together divergent and contradictory forces. His lack of political
experience will make this a daunting endeavour. Even if he was an
experienced and proven politician, there will be a limit to his ability to
unify his party. The deep ideological divisions within his alliance will
have profound implications for the nature of the government he will form if
elected. It will have serious consequences for Sri Lankan politics.
SF’s famous statement that Sri Lanka belongs to the Sinhalese and the
minorities should not make unnecessary demands is a clear signal of where
his own political instincts lie. It is a political line which pleases JVP
but not the UNP and the SLMC at least, when it comes to a political solution
to the Tamil community. SF will go on satisfying the JVP because of his
political and ideological affinity with the Sinhalese supremacist line of
the JVP. SF will find his resulting political isolation difficult to
overcome and there is a danger that he will probably attempt to resolve this
by bringing in a coterie of military men. When faced with challenging times,
political leaders rely on those whose loyalty he trusts, rather than the
fellow political travelers who by that time will have served their
utilitarian value. This is where democracy could suffer its first causality
in its journey to an authoritarian rule.
*Conclusion*
Throughout the country there is a desire for change because of the current
regime’s poor records of right abuse, corruption and the culture of
impunity. But the forgoing analysis shows that Sri Lanka’s fragile democracy
will face a more dangerous situation with a regime driven with opportunism
and differing political aims. The resolution of past enmities and
disagreements will simply be postponed until after the General Election. If
they are elected and their fragile alliance falls apart, the consequences
will be felt by the people. Politics is not about individuals alone but
also about the social and political forces and classes the individuals
appear to be representing in a given political moment. The violent political
history of these parties should be condemned by every human being as they
have committed heinous crimes against humanity. They have not repudiated
their use of political violence against people with different political
views. They have never expressed remorse for those who were assassinated
by them. They simply do not understand democratic politics and the right
to life. It will be historically unforgivable to let them come to power
without highlighting the danger that they pose. Even though they want to
come to power through democratic means they cannot be democratically trusted
and will be politically dangerous. With great trepidation therefore, I
conclude that the UNF will misuse the political space following a regime
change and will not hesitate to further endanger our democratic politics and
institutions in their pursuit of power.
formed in the country.A political phenomenon, a coalition containing
diametrically opposed political views led by someone without any formal
political membership of any political party of the alliance he presides
over. But how far will they march together either in their victory or defeat
in the Presidential election on 26 January? Is it their last desperate
attempt against a powerful political leader who has to be defeated at all
cost, irrespective of their own closely guarded ideological and political
beliefs? If not is the UNF an insolvable political contradiction that has
been united by their political opportunism?
This article attempts to examine the political character of the parties
involved in the UNF with particular reference to their histories and their
implications for political stability and democracy in Sri Lanka
* Violent Political History *
The JVP identifies itself as a Marxist- Leninist party and believes in
socialist revolution. They have not renounced violence they espoused in the
pursuit of their political aims. The JVP has never accepted the
responsibility for their political murders and have been evasive of any
responsibility. The UNP is characterized by their reactionary and repressive
policies when in power and were mainly responsible for defeating the JVP
with a counter insurgency policy of unparallel barbarism against the
insurgents. The UNP decimated the JVP leadership and their carders during
1987-89 without any mercy and they in turn assassinated high profile leaders
in the UNP as well as left wing leaders and political activists. The JVP in
its political history has led two insurrections and they were both defeated.
They are now looking for short cuts to capture state power. Throughout
the JVP’s history of unsuccessful insurrections Sarath Fonseka (SF) served
for the Sri Lankan armed forces and was on the other side of the struggle.
The TNA which was the proxy of the LTTE are also supporting to SF who was
the military commander who decimated the Tiger leadership and defeated the
LTTE. All these parties and individuals bring to this alliance a
responsibility for many of Sri Lanka’s political tragedies the human costs
of which should haunt them forever. Yet these parties and individuals have
never expressed any remorse for the assassinations they carried out from
time to time nor have they repudiated political violence. Their past shows
them to be anti-democratic and anti-people to the core and have lost the
moral argument to be in politics or to be trusted by the people. Political
opportunism and ambition appears to have triumphed along with their history
which was riddled with undemocratic behavior and unimaginable violence. The
cynicism of their actions may be overlooked by those who do not believe that
we can expect more from politicians than this. However, what applies to
personal integrity should still apply to politics and political parties as
well. By this measure, the UNF parties have buried their integrity and
have lost their moral compass.So far they all have evaded taking
responsibility for their crimes and they will continue to do so. They
present themselves to us now, asking for our trust and our votes, claiming
that they are for democracy and that they are united. They are in effect
asking the electorate to forget their anti-democratic histories and that
they once wanted to destroy each other. It is unfortunate that they have not
tackled these contradictions which contain very serious political
implications for democracy and political stability in the country. They
should have explained to the people where they stand in relation to each
other and their violent pasts.
*Political and Economic Differences*
The UNP is the biggest party in the UNF and they are able to shape and
present policy decisions with greater confidence and conviction over the
other parties. Following the political legacy of JR Jayewardene who was the
architect of the open economic policies, they have long believed in free
market economics. The JVP is openly critical of the free market and favors
protectionist and egalitarian options. This set to be a major policy issue
that will divide them and destabilize their alliance. The UNP being the Sri
Lankan agent of the international finance capital will follow the path of
privatizing the loss making utilities a move which will be vehemently
opposed by the JVP.This clash of economic policies will inevitably lead to
political divisions and the smaller parties such as SLMC, SLFP (M) and
perhaps the TNA will be drawn into the divisive conflicts within the UNF.
All these parties will support the open market policies on the basis of
economic and political pragmatism but it is likely that the JVP will oppose
economic liberalism and fight for price controls and more nationalizations.*
*The JVP claims that they represent the working class and the poor but they
make alliances with their class enemies. They joined the UPFA before and
left and now they have joined the capitalist UNP*.* The UNP and other
parties will woo the West and redirect foreign policies accordingly while
the JVP’s xenophobic political line and anti-Indian political sentiments
will play a crucial role in blocking this attempt.
This same xenophobia will also play a major role in preventing the
resolution of the national question and the TNA will learn their bitter
lesson in supporting SF without any condition, as they claim. No political
party should have made the deal* *that the TNA agreed to, particularly in
the current political moment*.* If cleverly negotiated with SF, the TNA
could have used their political capital and electoral base to gain a major
package of devolution. Despite their ability to potentially decide the
outcome of the Presidential election, they simply declared the unconditional
support to an alliance where the reactionary bulwark of Sinhalese
nationalism, the JVP has entrenched to fight against any devolution of
power.* *It is difficult to rationalize how these contradictions and
ideological divisions can be resolved in terms of normal political behaviors
*. *
How they can reconcile and come to terms with these political histories and
work together in an alliance of parties are very difficult to rationalize in
terms of normal political behaviors. . This alliance is unreliable and
opportunistic for the alliance itself and it is inconceivable how they will
be honest about the political classes they represent.
The JVP claims that they represent the working class and the poor but they
make alliances with their class enemies. They joined the UPFA before and
left and now they have joined the capitalist UNP.
*SF as Unitary as well as Divisive Factor*
Sarath Fonseka is the pivotal figure within this unstable alliance, holding
together divergent and contradictory forces. His lack of political
experience will make this a daunting endeavour. Even if he was an
experienced and proven politician, there will be a limit to his ability to
unify his party. The deep ideological divisions within his alliance will
have profound implications for the nature of the government he will form if
elected. It will have serious consequences for Sri Lankan politics.
SF’s famous statement that Sri Lanka belongs to the Sinhalese and the
minorities should not make unnecessary demands is a clear signal of where
his own political instincts lie. It is a political line which pleases JVP
but not the UNP and the SLMC at least, when it comes to a political solution
to the Tamil community. SF will go on satisfying the JVP because of his
political and ideological affinity with the Sinhalese supremacist line of
the JVP. SF will find his resulting political isolation difficult to
overcome and there is a danger that he will probably attempt to resolve this
by bringing in a coterie of military men. When faced with challenging times,
political leaders rely on those whose loyalty he trusts, rather than the
fellow political travelers who by that time will have served their
utilitarian value. This is where democracy could suffer its first causality
in its journey to an authoritarian rule.
*Conclusion*
Throughout the country there is a desire for change because of the current
regime’s poor records of right abuse, corruption and the culture of
impunity. But the forgoing analysis shows that Sri Lanka’s fragile democracy
will face a more dangerous situation with a regime driven with opportunism
and differing political aims. The resolution of past enmities and
disagreements will simply be postponed until after the General Election. If
they are elected and their fragile alliance falls apart, the consequences
will be felt by the people. Politics is not about individuals alone but
also about the social and political forces and classes the individuals
appear to be representing in a given political moment. The violent political
history of these parties should be condemned by every human being as they
have committed heinous crimes against humanity. They have not repudiated
their use of political violence against people with different political
views. They have never expressed remorse for those who were assassinated
by them. They simply do not understand democratic politics and the right
to life. It will be historically unforgivable to let them come to power
without highlighting the danger that they pose. Even though they want to
come to power through democratic means they cannot be democratically trusted
and will be politically dangerous. With great trepidation therefore, I
conclude that the UNF will misuse the political space following a regime
change and will not hesitate to further endanger our democratic politics and
institutions in their pursuit of power.
