Ranil LTTE support Kiyala Oppu karana shakshi Ekathu karala Ape President ta demu

[asachan]

Chandrika-Ranil standoff dangerous: LTTE By V.S. Sambandan




COLOMBO, JAN. 28. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) has termed Sri Lanka's political standoff "a dangerous situation'' for the peace process, and has called upon the international community to "come to the rescue of the Tamil people.''
In an interview to the "BBC World Service" on Tuesday before leaving for a European destination, the LTTE's political wing leader, S. P. Tamilchelvan, described as "very much undesirable'' the current situation where the President, Chandrika Kumaratunga, and the Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, were "trying to pass the buck on to each other.''
Moreover, the left-nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) was "acting in a very hostile manner'' and seemed to be "very cynical towards the entire peace process and the facilitation,'' Mr. Tamilchelvan said.Asked if this view meant the LTTE would not negotiate with the alliance between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the JVP, if it came to power, Mr. Tamilchelvan said "it was not appropriate to comment finally on it now.'' The statements made by the partners of the alliance "seem to indicate that they are not very clear on the stance and solution on the ethnic problem.'' The LTTE's position would depend on several factors such as the alliance coming out "very clearly with the mandate of the electorate of Sri Lanka, with the necessary power to implement whatever they have in their mind and if the statements that they will give out regarding meeting the aspirations of the Tamil people, accommodate the aspirations of the Tamil people.'' The LTTE, he said in reply to another question, was "a responsible organisation with a political mandate.'' As "the people are deeply disappointed'' the LTTE did not want the "peace momentum built over time, with much euphoria, to be lost.' Since the Sri Lankan Government was involved in "a different game of power struggle,'' and would "not be that conscious'' of the "humanitarian needs,'' the LTTE was of the view that "it is only the international community that can come to the rescue of the Tamil nation.''The final "resolution of the problem is a time-consuming affair and urgent humanitarian needs cannot definitely wait till then,'' he said.
The peace momentum "that has been built should not be lost'' and the LTTE was "very conscious'' about it, he said.On the LTTE's criticism of the moves towards a bilateral defence pact between India and Sri Lanka, Mr. Tamilchelvan said they were "responding to the people's feelings about a military pact with India or for that matter any other nation.''The people, he said, "were convinced that a well structured peace process was on and military balance and equilibrium needed to be kept as per status quo on that date of the ceasefire.''The "sudden'' nature of change had created "in the minds of the Tamil people a sense of suspicion and fear that something underhand is taking place — a sort of sabotage of the peace process.''When "one party in the (ceasefire) agreement'' was "getting ready with such arrangement, the other party feels miserable about it,'' he said, adding the "Tamil people are very dubious and suspicious about such agreements.''Mr. Tamilchelvan, a former LTTE military commander for Jaffna, said: "Any nation for that matter should be very mindful of the peace environment that has been built over time and should not disturb the balance.''

 

[neonad]

Why is the LTTE dissappointed with Ranil Wickremasinghe?
The attempt made by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to enforce a Tamil boycott of the Presidential elections will affect Ranil Wickremasinghe as the bulk of Tamil votes was expected to be cast for him. The LTTE - TNA press conference in Kilinochchi has made it clear that the tigers are in favour of a boycott. Earlier there were confused signals to that effect. Now it is in the open. A striking feature in the LTTE attempt to push for a boycott is its undisguised contempt for Ranil Wickremasinghe. There is subterranean anger rippling. Indeed the whole boycott exercise in the name of the people seems to be aimed at teaching Ranil a lesson he would never ever forget. It is almost like a lover's quarrel because in popular perception there was a tacit alliance and understanding between Ranil and the tigers. Why is the LTTE pissed off about Wickremasinghe? The opinion of the TNA does not matter. Described often as tiger nominated agents by Douglas Devananda the TNA is simply a mouthpiece for the voice of the master!But why are tigers hostile to Ranil? The process of disillusionment with Wickremasinghe began from the time he was Prime Minister. The original understanding between the UNP and LTTE forged mainlt between ACS Hameed and Anton Balasingham envisaged an interim administration for the North - East under the LTTE. Hameed passed away but the UNP remained willing to set up an IA in principle. The LTTE was not happy about the slow progress in setting up an Interim administration during Wickremasinghe's tenure as premier. It however accepted the UNP position that it was difficult to proceed because Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was Executive President and also due to lack of two - thirds majority to change entrenched restrictive clauses of the Constitution. Kumaratunga's dismissal of Wickremasinghe's government and subsequent election strengthened the UNP view that she was the stumbling block.The LTTE concurred. Though the UPFA conducted a strong anti - tiger campaign Wickremasinghe was bold enough to include the setting up of an interim Administration in the party manifesto.The UNP lost but Kumaratunga was unable to govern due to the forces of racism she had unleashed. When it became clear that Presidential election 2005 was on the cards the LTTE adopted a low - key approach to help Wickremasinghe. It avoided identifying with him in any way because it felt such a link would be detrimental to him among Sinhala voters. The tigers were somewhat nonchalant about the elections and said they did not care. This made the coast clear for Tamil voters to back the candidate of their choice. The minorities particularly the Sri Lankan Tamils were happy about the ceasefire brought about jointly by Wickremasinghe. Rajapakse signed pacts with JVP and JHU and targeted the majority community votes at the expense of the minorities. He categorically ruled out the homeland, self - determination concepts and also the rejected P- TOMS. It was nothing but natural for the minority communities to back Ranil in such a situation. Besides there was always a tendency for Tamils to support the UNP in a situation where Tamil candidates were not contesting directly. This was more so among Colombo Tamils. Against such a backdrop Tamil votes were expected in massive numbers for Wickremasinghe independent of LTTE - TNA manipulation.. It was assumed that the TNA directed by the LTTE will come out openly in support for Wickremasinghe about a week before the election. It was also suspected that the LTTE would swing into action a few days prior to the poll and influence Tamil voters in favour of Wickremasinghe. Why did this not happen? It was mainly due to the LTTE perception that Ranil Wickremasinghe was not playing fair by them.Suspicion created during the 2001 - 2003 period was further reinforced through some actions. Internationally Wickremasinghe and his deputies kept on cultivating the International community. This included visits to India and mention in sections of the Indian press that some understanding had been reached. An Indian connection real or imaginary makes the LTTE paranoid. The tigers were also harbouring a grudge about the Washington summit. It felt the UNP had set them up on that. Wickremasinghe was also harping on Tokyo and Oslo summit declarations. This was his "clever" way of dealing with the South. The onus was put on the International community. But this had a counterproductive effect. The LTTE felt that Wickremasinghe was trying to trap them in protracted talks on exploring federalism by way of Oslo resolution and adhere to benchmarks of democracy, pluralism, human rights etc in terms of Tokyo. The LTTE kept away from Tokyo to avoid such impositions and took up the position that the Tokyo declaration did not bind them. But Wickremasinghe was saying the opposite. Then there was the so called International safety net. It was felt that one reason for the failure of the peace process was excessive internationalisation by the UNP. Wickremasinghe was trying to convince Sinhala voters that concessions to the LTTE was not dangerous because the international factor was there to guarantee security,sovereignity , unity and territorial integrity of the Country. The tigers felt that this was anothr ruse to trap them and confine them to an unproductive, prolonged ceasefire. The international factor was seen as something altering the balance of powerin favour of the State. The tigers were also miffed by the silence of wickremasinghe on the EU travel ban.Thus the LTTE was getting suspicious that a second round of talks with Wickremasinghe as President would mean indefinite confinement to negotiations.Talks on the ISGa and possibly fedralism would go on and on while the movement was progressively weakened with international help. Domestically too Wickremasinghe was disappointing the tigers. His election manifesto excluded any reference to the Interim Administration or meaningful commitment to a federal solution. Concerned about Rajapakse's appeal to the Sinhala constituency Wickremasinghe too was trying to pander to the same. While Mahinda was forthright about his stance Ranil was typically wishy - washy. Wickremasinghe also signed a 67 point agreement with Rauf Hakeem. Some of those included third party status for Muslims in the peace talks and a separate N- E council for the Muslims on the principle of non - contiguous territory. This was anathema to the LTTE. Besides important decisions such as these could not be taken without consulting the other party to the peace process. This was seen as another trick to stultify the LTTE. The UNP leader also spoke about striking a deal with bete noir Kumaratunga. A pan - Sinhala government was also talked about. The tigers could not stomach the notion of Wickremasinghe's tete - a - tete with Kumaratunga after projecting her as the "enemy" so far to the LTTE. The LTTE antipathy towards her is very real.Also a re- alignment of Sinhala parties meant a "Sinhala Consensus". Such consensus can only result in further dilution of any political settlement. Notwithstanding all these "prickly issues" the LTTE may still have played ball with Ranil if the UNP was prepared to grant two things. One was the setting up of an Interim authority without too much haggling. The second was a thorouh disbanding of so called paramilitaries including the Karuna faction. It soon became apparent to the LTTE that these were impossible. The ISGA would not have any meaningful powers desired by the LTTE. The Muslim card will be used to undermine it. The Supreme Court on P- TOMS demonstrated that even if granted an ISGA will not be allowed to function. As for the Karuna faction it had now become integral to the politico - military machinations by the state in the East. Wickremasinghe would not be allowed to concede on Karuna even if he wanted to.It was also felt by the LTTE that Wickremasinghe was not going to push anything decisively or firmly . The tigers were also unhappy with the conduct of Wickremasinghe;s campaign. If Rajapakse was hard - selling the Sinhala line Wickremasinghe was soft - selling it. Ranil was not making strident anti - Tamil or anti - tiger remarks but he was not making any pro - Tamil statements either. If one is genuinely keen about some issues then one must have the courage of convicyion to articulate those the LTTE felt. In an attempt to overtake Mahinda he was also pandering to Buddhist sentiments in a clumsy manner. Writing books on Buddhism on the eve of his campaign and promising the world's tallest Buddhst monument etc were some of thewse. It was becoming increasingly clear to the LTTE that both Wickremasinghe and Rajapakse were two sides of the same coin. The LTTE felt that both were the same in substance and only the styles differed.This is incorrect but that was the tiger perception. Wickremasinghe in LTTE perception was the dangerous of the two. Rajapakse was bluntly direct in his stance. The world at large knew he was a hardliner and that if elected war was on the cards. But Wickremasinghe's image was that of a peace loving man ready to do business with the LTTE. If Wickremasinghe came to power and continued his "slipery" politics world opinion would be with him if war broke out. But with Rajapakse the LTTE had the moral high ground. If war erupted the international factor would back Wickremasinghe. The position was unclear with Rajapakse in the saddle. The biggest problem for the LTTE was to avoid a repetition of the Kumaratunga phenomenon in the case of Wickremasinghe. In 1994 she had swept to power as an angel of peace with the overwhelming support of the Tamil people. It was an uphill task for the tigers to destroy that image. Now Wickremasinghe was fast acquiring a prince of peace image among the Tamil people. It was necessary to preempt that.From a tiger perspective the Tamil people had to be shaken free of such illusions. Any hesitation by the LTTE was removed by Wickremasinghe himself when he went to Palaly on Nov 3rd. He confined himself to the security forces alone and did not meet the Tamil people. Even Rajapakse had a token meeting with a captive Tamil audience. Ranil did not. When asked about meeting Tamils he "arrogantly" said that he knew the Tamil people's problems via telephone calls and leters etc. Furthermore he spoke about modernising the army. Ranil also boasted about 23 LTTE ships being destroyed during the ceasefire. This was the proverbial last straw. On Nov 5th Balakumaran came over the air on "Voice of Tigers" and pitched in. The point he made was that Rajapakse and Wickremasinghe were the same as far as the Tamil issue was concerned. Wickremasinghe was more dangerous because he pretended to be a moderate. Some Tamil people too were confused. As such the people had to be informed about Ranil's true colours. The presidential election was of no importance or relevance to the Tamil people in this situation. The floodgates opened after Balakumar's outburst. Wickremasinghe is criticised as unreliable, crafty and duplicitous. The comments of Dissanaike and Moragoda about Karuna, ceasefire, loss of LTTE ships, trapping the LTTE, international community etc are helping LTTE propagandists to justify their position. It must be remembered that Dissanaikes speech made on Nov 3rd was reported only on the 7th. Moragodas interview appeared on the 9th. But Balakumar's comment made on the 5th was circulated all over the "Tamil world" on Nov 6th. So comments by the UNP stalwarts are strengthening the LTTE argument now but the cause for tiger resentment of Wickremasinghe was earlier and different. One thing however is that the claims purportedly made by Moragoda and Dissanayake cannot be new to the LTTE. If there is merit or validity in those arguments then the LTTE must surely have known it long ago. The tigers are not kittens who opened their eyes only after these revelations. The tiger mouthpiece "Tamilnet" however is going to town with its angled accounts of those comments Basically the LTTE is disillusioned and disappointed with Wickremasinghe. It must be understood that the manifesto and conduct of Wickremasinghe's campaign was not enough for the LTTE to support it openly without losing credibility in the eyes of the Tamils. But if the TNA was allowed by the LTTE to negotiate with the UNP the situation may have been different.The Tamil case has suffered through default. It also appears that Wickremasinghe blundered by taking the Tamil votes for granted. It is however a moot point whether the call for a boycott - direct or indirect - will help the LTTE in the long run. It is possible that a Wickremasinghe defeat made possible through a tiger boycott would strengthen the victor Rajapakse in an unimaginable manner. It is one thing for war to erupt due to a Rajapakse victory despite the Tamils voting for Wickremasinghe. It is totally different if Rajapakse wins because of a tiger - inspired Tamil boycott. The LTTE should give much thought to this . - DBSJ

 

[asachan]

Ranil Wickramasinghe on Thoppigala

July 17, 2007 at 11:38 am · Categories: English, Peace and Conflict | by Sumanasiri Liyanage


Ranil Wickramasingha and his party spokespersons are quite worried these days about the way in which Toppigala operation was carried out by the security forces. Wickramasinghe’s initial position is capturing Thoppigala is useless exercise as it is worthy only for collectors of fire-woods. As I have no knowledge in military strategy and I have no idea to get access to that sphere of knowledge, I do not wish to comment on that. Ranil Wickramasinghe and his associate Lakshman Kiriella, MP for Kandy, came up with another criticism about Thoppigala operation. They alleged that the security forces allow the LTTE leaders including Ramesh and its cadres to escape from Thoppigala with all military hardware that includes multi-barrel rocket launchers. Wickeramsinghe told the press that this order that the LTTE leaders and cadres should be allowed to escape through arranged route came from Colombo, allegedly from the political leadership of the Mahinda Rajapakse government. Unfortunately, I do not have an access to any material so that I can check the truth of this allegation. Well I am not that much interested in the truth at least in this matter.
Suppose, it is true!! What would be my reaction? I am quite happy.
Let me explain my position. I have been always quite a strong critic of the LTTE and its anti-democratic political behavior that include assassination of political dissidents, child recruitment and similar acts violating human rights. Ranil Wickramasinghe seems to think that the security forces should have killed all nearly 1500 LTTE members and destroyed their military hardware. However, that did not happen and the area surrounding Thoppigala was not adequately filled with dead bodies. Wickramasinghe may think about the operations by the security forces in the South in the dark days of the late 1980s and may be sad that it did not recur this time around Thoppigala. The same point that has made Wickramasingha and his UNP sad has made me happy. Strange, but that is true!

 

[jmc]

ha ha demu demu.......ane yako...... wena wadak nathnam aapayak kala tea ekak bila gedarata wela nida ganinko....ubala linda langa sangame wagene.

 

[lkdood]

machang wut to do... some ppl are realy sad... and they got nothing better to do in there life..

ova kiyan na epa

fun eka gan na den na

sihina loke un inne

ranil kotiya, sirasa kotiya, jvp kotiya, ngo kotia, uk kotiya, eu kotiya, usa kotiya, australia kotiya, un kotiya, india kotia, mangala kotiya, canada kotiya, france kotiya, new zeland kotiya, mexico kotiya, brazil kotiya, para wideshikayo serama kotiya

hamoma kotiya ?

kawda kotiya naththe ?

sandanaya, ITN, rupavhaini



this koti business is like coke business

when you start it, you can't stop it

 

[asachan]

 

[lkdood]

ha ha demu demu.......ane yako...... wena wadak nathnam aapayak kala tea ekak bila gedarata wela nida ganinko....ubala linda langa sangame wagene.

best post of the day

 

[Mahindara]

puh...

Punchi pahe mam...

 

[asachan]

ova kiyan na epa

fun eka gan na den na

sihina loke un inne

ranil kotiya, sirasa kotiya, jvp kotiya, ngo kotia, uk kotiya, eu kotiya, usa kotiya, australia kotiya, un kotiya, india kotia, mangala kotiya, canada kotiya, france kotiya, new zeland kotiya, mexico kotiya, brazil kotiya, para wideshikayo serama kotiya

hamoma kotiya ?

kawda kotiya naththe ?

sandanaya, ITN, rupavhaini



this koti business is like coke business

when you start it, you can't stop it

Thank you
This is not a Fighting room
If you have some proves pls put them in here

 

[asachan]

Tamilselvan’s death is Ranil’s loss more than Prabhakaran’s


Fri, 2007-11-02 18:04 H. L. D. Mahindapala
S. P. Tamilselvan, the political head of the Tamil Tigers, dubbed by the media as “the smiling Tiger”, was killed this morning around 6.a.m. when the Sri Lankan Air Force (SLAF) accurately targeted a Tiger complex in Thiruvaiaru, according to SLAF sources.
This is the first time that the Sri Lankan forces succeeded in targeting a high-ranking political figure of the Tigers. The Tigers had targeted several heads of the southern political hierarchy but the Tiger leadership was inaccessible for targeting by the Security Forces.
With the death of Tamilselvam, Velupillai Prabhakaran, the Tiger chief, loses his second public face of the Tigers. The first was Anton Balasingham. Hitting Thamilselvan in the heartland of the Tigers will be a big blow to the morale of the Tiger cadres.
However, political analysts believe that Prabhakaran will not be grieving too much, if he grieves at all. This death will open the space to push his son, Charles Anthony, into the political seat left vacant by Thamilselvan.. It is also speculated that the death of Tamilselvan will lead to further tensions within the disenchanted ranks of the Tigers.
In military terms, the SLAF has recovered within a short span of time what it has lost in the Anuradhapura base. They were in the dog house after the severe damage caused by the 21 suicide bombers.
The Tigers were crowing that they had paralyzed the air force which was a serious threat to their military capabilities. SLAF claimed that their capacity to strike back remained intact. This successful air strike has established that the Anuradhapura attack by the Tigers has not altered the military balance. In fact, as claimed by the Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapakse, the Security Forces still have the upper hand. Security Forces also claim that they have advanced into Tiger territory in the north.
The planes and other material are replaceable. But Prabhakaran cannot replace Thamilselvan. If as expected he replaces him with his son it is likely to present a whole new scenario which may not, in the long run, strengthen Prabhakaran’s hand.
This air strike has also proved that the Tigers are not so safe as they thought they were, hiding in the Vanni. The psychological impact on the civilians too is bound to be severe. Nevertheless, it should be regarded as having the same impact as the attack on the Anuradhapura base: purely symbolic. Prabhakaran’s fighting capacity has not been altered dramatically with this death.
Analysts also argue that that the biggest loser in this event is Ranil Wickremesinghe. The UNP was hoping to capitalize on the Anuradhapura attack, with the pro-Ranil pack in the media howling and nipping on the heels of the government. The SLAF has not only recovered its lost prestige but also hit the UNP-led opposition which was decrying the government’s failure in protecting the Anuradhapura air base.
SLAF strike has blighted the chances of Wickremesinghe cashing in on the high cost of living. The boost to the ranks of the Mahinda Rajapakse is huge. Wickremesinghe was blasting the media for highlighting the naval successes as it was blunting his attack on the government on the cost of living. This air attack overshadows all those naval victories.
The UNP has also been challenging the Security Forces to go to Vanni. Analysts say that even if the Security Forces cannot go to Vanni on foot yet it can go to Vanni by air with deadly accuracy.
Rajitha Senarathna a leader of the UNP dissident Democratic Group and also Sri Lanka Minister of Construction and Engineering Services told a media conference that more UNPers are waiting till the budget is passed to cross over. There is speculation that another eight UNPers would cross over.
If this happens Wickremesinghe will lose his position as leader of the Opposition.

 

[lkdood]

Thank you
This is not a Fighting room
If you have some proves pls put them in here

Ranil monawa hari waradak karala thib ba nam miniha hire

monawath karala nathi hin dai miniha thama eliye inne

ubala oya internet eka thiyana articles damma kiyala Ranil ta monawath wen ne naha

 

[ra20002]

apoooooooooooo politics sukzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzz buddies

 

[asachan]

THE GREAT BETRAYAL

​

What you are about to read is another one of the many stories in which Ranil Wickremesinghe’s UNF government betrayed the people behind their back. Of course, the devious subterfuges implemented arbitrarily without telling the people were done in the name of (1) peace and (2) a mandate (?) that he claimed to have received from the people at the last election. First, after going round the world in circles, he has yet to deliver the peace deal he promised the people. Second, if he got a mandate, as he claims, why didn’t he take the people into his confidence? If the people endorsed his actions as a part of the mandate would they raise any objections, or rally round those who are leading marches against him? Isn’t it obvious that it is because he did not have the mandate to betray the people that he engaged in underhand deals, starting with the secret MoU he signed with his co-signatory, Velupillai Prabhakaran?

In electoral terms, it could be argued, that neither the UNF nor the PA got a clear mandate from the people because neither group was given an outright majority to form a government. Both parties had to depend on minor parties and the fact that Ranil managed to cobble up a shaky coalition does not mean that he got a mandate to do what he did in the name of peace or the people. Consequently, he had to manipulate the local media (including the pliant AFP, Reuters and BBC) and the political system (mainly its submissive bureaucracy) for him to strut the world stage pretending to be the man who was given a mandate to go against the legitimate aspirations of all the communities and appease only one armed minority.

Sooner or later, the full account of his secret deals will be researched and documented. What is known so far is that Ranil himself was a direct wheeler-dealer in the pre-election negotiations with the LTTE. Though Ranil claimed to have obtained a mandate, or a social contract, from the people at the last elections in December 2001 what he implemented was his own unauthorized secret contract with the LTTE. The prelude to this secret contract was revealed by Kathy Stone, an investigative reporter, in the Weekend Liberal (December 21, 2002) published in Australia. She exposed the connection between Ranil Wickremesinghe and 57-year-old Capt. Charles Gnanakone, who had confessed to be “a strong sympathizer of the LTTE” and acted as “a go-between for the Tigers and the Sri Lankan (UNF) government”. She quoted the Daily News which said: “Gnanakone is reported to be in charge of the shipment of weapons which are smuggled into ‘Sri Lanka for the use of LTTE terrorists against Sri Lankan security forces.” Charles Gnanakone of Melbourne and his brother of Jayantha Gnanakone of California run the LTTE fleet. Is it then surprising that Ranil Wickremesinghe became the first prime minister in the world to pull his Navy Commander angrily for attacking the LTTE ships bringing in arms?

Both Ranil and Charles met “at the Conrad International Hotel on June 18, 2000”, says Kathy. “Both men described the meeting….as a social breakfast,” she adds. Anyone who knows something about the way deals are struck would concede that a nod or a handshake at cocktails, dinners and breakfasts, or even the golf course, can go a long way than written legal contracts. So when a key operator shipping arms for the LTTE meets the future Prime Minister at a pre-election breakfast in Singapore (it is a heck of a long way to go for just one breakfast!) the post-election action of the Prime Minister to bend over backwards to appease the LTTE becomes all too transparent.

No wonder Ranil reacted angrily when the Navy took decisive action to prevent the smuggling of arms in ships of an agent with whom he had breakfast. Besides, he took upon himself to give the LTTE respectability and recognition as “liberation fighters” in the international community by requesting them to lift the ban on the LTTE. For instance, G.L.Peiris, the chief negotiator for Ranil, tried to talk the Australian government into lifting the ban. But Alexander Downer, the Australian Foreign Minister, bluntly told him to mind his own business and not to interfere in the domestic affairs of Australia.

This was not the only secret process going on unknown to the public. The bureaucratic machine headed by Ranil’s appointee, Bradman Weerakoon, worked overtime to keep him in office. Like all bureaucrats Bradman revelled in the power he wielded without having any responsibility to account for it to the people. Unelected officers are ever willing to don their master’s mantle and pose as the real power behind the throne. And if they have a weakling as their master they enjoy unlimited powers because wide open spaces are left for them to operate either due to incompetence or lack of will of their masters. So with the Prime Minister handing over responsibility to his apparatchiks it was not surprising to find a factotum like Bradman Weerakoon fronting up as the chief spokesperson for the UNF at the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The following story reveals not only the extent to which Bradman Weerakoon was pushing his the NGO-line which was synonymous with that of the Prime Minister but also how much he and his master were willing to grant the LTTE. Of course, everything was hush-hush. The Prime Minister and his minions never told the people the secret deals with the LTTE. Bradman Weerakoon was the main minion who manipulated the cover-up. Of course, these secret deals were known to the LTTE and revealed to some key members of the Prime Minister’s “safety net”. Only the people of the nation were kept in the dark

The crisscrossing threads of the plot that will be revealed will make more sense if Bradman Weerakoon’s connections prior to his becoming the secretary to the Prime Minister are placed in its proper context. After he left the services of the last UNP government Weerakoon went to work for the ICES in Colombo – a centre dominated by pro-Tamil ideologues who have been the prime movers for “re-imagining Sri Lanka”. This is another way of saying that the current constitutional arrangement is not satisfactory and it must be recast according to the political agenda of the pro-Tamil lobby aligned to the NGOs like the ICES in Colombo.

It is also a euphemism to siphon off the essential powers of the central government and hand it over to only one community, denying the historical, territorial, moral and political rights and aspirations of the other communities. The ICES in Colombo has over the years engaged in a relentless anti-Sinhala-Buddhist campaign to demonize and weaken the majority and legitimize the claims of exclusive rights to one single minority to establish a mono-ethnic enclave in the north and the east. These foreign-funded NGO pundits knew that this claim has been debunked comprehensively by the ICES branch in Kandy led by Sri Lanka’s foremost historian, Prof. K. M. de Silva. But that did not deter them from producing publication after publication, seminar after seminar to demonize the Sinhala-Buddhists.

It was in this anti-Sinhala-Buddhist center in Colombo that Weerakoon found employment after he left D. B. (Deaf and Blind) Wijetunga’s administration. Weerakoon, Regi Siriwardena and a Sinhala translator were the only Sinhala employees of the ICES. All the others were Tamils headed by Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy. Her main mission, laid down by her former boss, Neelan Tiruchelvam, was to “re-imagine Sri Lanka” by remodeling the constitution to make the north and the east into an autonomous state exclusively for their “nambadaya ahls” (our people). The bottom line of the political agenda of the ICES has been to advocate tolerant “multi-culturalism” for all communities except the Jaffna Tamils who should be given special treatment with exclusive rights to construct their ethnic ghetto based on a manufactured history in the early fifties. Bradman Weerakoon came into the Prime Minister’s office carrying this ICES ideological baggage with him.

With these close connections it is not hard to guess that his political obligations would be to the ICES than to the nation. Nor would it be too hard for him to push the kind of politics that would disempower the centre and strengthen the LTTE once he took command of strategic position in the Prime Minister’s office. The secret missions of Weerakoon unfold from the time he sat in the seat next to his master. In September 2002 Weerakoon was on a mission to consult and brief members of the European Parliament. He met several leading members of the European Union and the following quotes and notes are from the minutes recorded by the Secretary to the PM, Bradman Weerakoon. In the minutes he shortens his designation to S/PM.

“On September 25, 2002”, says S/PM, “he met Madam Maria Carrilho, Member of the European Parliament and Head of the Parliament’s Delegation for Relations with South Asia in Strasbourg at 1430hrs.” (She is the representative in EU for Portugal – the cruelest of all the colonialists whose coming in 1505 Ranil has promised to celebrate in 2005!). The minutes recorded by Weerakoon confirms what the people had been suspecting all along. She says that the autonomous state that will emerge with Ranil’s peace process “should be readily given a flag and an anthem” and, believe it or not, Bradman says: “No problem.”

Apart from the political implications of this separate flag and anthem the irony is that it was Ranil’s grandfather, the great patriot, D. R. Wijewardene, who picked and selected from various proposals the final format of the national flag which was approved by G. G. Ponnambalam and T. B. Jayah, the two leading representatives of the two minority communities. Besides, Sir, Lalitha Rajapakse, one of his directors at Lake House, too was overseeing the final outcome as a member of the select committee which included S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and Ranil’s uncle, J. R. Jayewardene. In allowing his hired factotum to say “yes” to another flag representing a divided segment of the nation Ranil is not only betraying the nation but his own respected grandfather and his uncle.

All this reflects what Dr. Subramaniam Swamy calls “the surrender mentality” of the UNF government. This “mentality” was introduced by Ranil, and his minions were only too happy to implement it. Based on his “breakfast agreement” at Conrad Hotel he approached the LTTE with no intention of bargaining. He went to the negotiating table to “surrender” and not to demand anything in return. Of course, he couldn’t say so in public. So he marketed his surrender either as “confidence building” or the “peace process”. He silenced his critics by insisting that any opposition to his surrender is a threat to the “peace process”.

Neither he nor his minions have ever shown any capacity or intention to bargain for peace on a give-and-take basis at the negotiating table. They were quite happy to surrender the vital assets of the nation in the name of a dubious peace. G. L. Peiris, for instance, shocked Melbourne audiences when he told them that giving two thirds of coastline to the LTTE doesn’t matter because it consisted of sand and nothing else. It is not that this professor of law did not know that the sandy beaches have a strategic value in the defence of the nation. It is not that he did not know that the sea extending from sandy beaches has vital resources needed to sustain the population and the environment. In international law, a 200-mile economic zone of the sea, starting from the sandy beaches, belongs to the owners of the coastline. It is not that Peiris did not know the law relating to the sea. It is just that he was trying to bluff his way by being an ignominious mouthpiece to his master’s pre-determined “surrender mentality”.

Ranil’s other bureaucratic lackeys too eagerly engaged in hiding the “surrender mentality” by dressing it up in the buzz words of the NGOs like “confidence building”. This “confidence building” has now gone to the extent of Bradman telling Madam Carrilho that the LTTE has no fear of being deposed now that Ranil Wickremesinghe is in charge. So Ranil has guaranteed security to Prabhakaran but has Prabhakaran guaranteed security to the nation? Bradman goes further and informs the lady that “the Prime Minister is realistic as to the challenges ahead, including the question of de-commissioning of weaponry.” This realism means that the Prime Minister will not insist on disarming the LTTE – a condition laid down by his friends in the Western “safety net” when they are threatened by terrorists. Bradman says, in the next statement that follows, that even the LTTE is now finding it difficult to control their armed forces, implying that since the LTTE can’t control the Prime Minister can’t do it either.

If further evidence is needed of this “surrender mentality” it came from Geoffrey Van Orden, Member of the European Parliament, whom he met at 10.30 hours on September 25, 2002 in Strasbourg. Van Orden had visited Sri Lanka in June 2002 and had met key political actors including the Prime Minister, Defence Minister and the lame duck, Foreign Minister, Tyronne Fernando. The following quotes from Bradman’s minutes are revealing: “Mr. Van Orden then said it appeared to him that the government was conceding a lot, having pulled back from areas that were earlier under its control. The LTTE was coming into these areas and moreover they were giving the message that they (the LTTE) are now the entity in charge. Given this situation, Mr. Van Orden said, he would like to know what the Government was getting in return?”

The answer: “S/PM responded that the Government may in turn be getting access to the LTTE’s own areas. He pointed out as an example the opening of the A9 running through the Vanni, plus its lateral road….” (This proved to be a deliberate distortion on the scale of G. L.Peiris saying that the coastline consists of only sand. The LTTE has since encroached into territory defined in the MoU as the government land.)

 

[chathwan]

me thred eka dapu eka thawa p dials tikak ekathu karan prsdnt ta p**a dunna nam thawath hodai
LMAO

 

[asachan]

LTTE lethal cargo cleared during Ranil's Time to be exposed soon



”Investigations have revealed that some people based in Colombo had worked in connivance with the LTTE to send those most modern equipment to uncleared areas clearing paths for them to transport them from Colombo to uncleared areas,” the Minister added.

He said names of who had worked in connivance with the LTTE to bring in those equipment to the country and transport them to Tiger controlled areas will be divulged to the public very soon.

Minister Rambukwella recalled that there were certain instances where LTTE acquired those state-of-the-art communication equipment with some officials getting involved to clear the path for them to transport them to uncleared areas.

It was after the signing of the Ceasefire Agreement during the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration that the LTTE acquired modern communication equipment and transported them to uncleared areas through the Omanthai Entry-Exit point amidst protests by the Security Forces.

The 58 Division troops captured some hi-tech equipment believed to have been imported to the country during the Ceasefire period after they found a communication centre in Ampalavanpokkanai area in the North West of Puthukudiyiruppu on February 27.

Television transmitting equipment with satellite antennas were found inside this communication centre and later it was found that they were used to transmit TV programs locally and internationally to tarnish the image of the Security Forces internationally.

“Investigations are now on to ascertain who had helped them to acquire them and transport them to the North after getting them released from the Customs,” the Minister added.

Meanwhile, the Government with the support of the diplomatic community has launched investigations to ascertain as to how the LTTE acquired those weaponry including 130 mm artillery guns, light aircraft and other lethal weapons internationally.

 

[asachan]

CFA beneficial only to LTTE - A`sangaree

Saturday, 18 February 2006 - 7:40 AM SL Time



TULF leader V. Anandasangaree yesterday said the ceasefire agreement was not indispensable and it was not at all beneficial to the country and people. The four years of ceasefire provided ample opportunities for the LTTE to take gradually take control of areas which had been under the government`s control, he said.

In a statement, issued yesterday, as a guideline for the participants at the Geneva talks and for the International Community he said ` The Tamils and the Muslims of the North and the East are the worst affected by the ceasefire Agreement and the innumerable violations by the LTTE. It had helped the LTTE to stabilize themselves more in areas under their control and to gradually take control of the areas under the control of the government as well. The four years of ceasefire provided ample opportunities for them to do this, resulting in the government losing grip of its own areas.

`It is regrettable that the government, although aware of the fraudulent manner in which the LTTE proxies, the 22 members of Parliament of the TNA were elected, did not think it fit to consult at least the other parties that had genuine and ample representation in Parliament for many years in the past.

`For over thirteen years I represented the Kilinochchi Electorate, which is also the District of Kilinochchi created due to my continued agitation for over 13 years but out of the 22 proxies there is none from Kilinochchi in Parliament. It appears as if the government is also recognizing the LTTE as `Sole Representatives of the Tamil People` the group that had established a dictatorship over the Tamil and Muslim people, he said.

`I now have a duty cast on me to speak on behalf of the Tamil and Muslim people of the North and East and to work hard to liberate them from the LTTE. As a first step I call upon the government of Sri Lanka to abrogate the Ceasefire Agreement with the LTTE or in the alternative to revise it on the following basis, with a time frame of 3 to 6 months:

`1. Since the LTTE had committed thousand of violations of the CFA to the determent of the Party to the Agreement and the people concerned, they must withdraw their cadre to the position at which they were, at the time the CFA was signed.

2. Since Article 1:13 of the CFA permitted freedom of movement in the areas of the North and East dominated by Sri Lanka Government, LTTE should withdraw forthwith the cadre spread all over the country excluding North and East.

3. If Article 1:13 cannot be dropped it should be amended to extend the some freedom of movement to the Sri Lanka Forces into LTTE controlled areas.

4. The LTTE should give an undertaking that their cadre will be engaged only in political work and not organise demonstrations, hartals etc.

5. That they will not interfere with the administration of summon officers for conferences or give directions to Government Servants.

6. That they will not use the school children for any of their activities during school hours and under compulsion.

7. Since Article 2-10 does not empower the LTTE to levy any tax or collect toll on A.9 road laveying of tax and collection of toll should stop forthwith.

8. That they will not got involved in abduciton, fortune, kill or recruit child sholdiere.

9. That they will not obstruct the re-opening of the University Campuses.

10. Must give a firm undertaking generally, not to got engaged in any from of violence against any body whether civilians or forces.

 

[Srilankan1]

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[Srilankan1]

Tom.Clancys.H.A.W.X-SKIDROW

S K i D R O W -> T H E L E A D i N G F O R C E

 

[neonad]

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[Srilankan1]