Presidential election 2010

Who will be the next president

  • General Sarath Fonseka

    Votes: 124 61.7%
  • Mahinda Rajapakshe

    Votes: 77 38.3%

  • Total voters
    201

PSBI

Member
Jul 28, 2008
174
2
0
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gamiya

Member
Mar 7, 2008
336
2
0
tawama 155 denek witarai chande dala tiyenne ..ape elakirians deshapalanayata wediya kamattak neti hadai MR ge weda nisa da kohedooo
 

pissaoya

Member
Jun 8, 2008
75
1
0
Read This BEfore Election

Read This BEfore Election


So you have decided to vote Sarath Fonseka, haven’t you? It’s all right. I understand. I am not here to sling mud at Sarath Fonseka. I will never ask or beg you to vote Mahinda. You don’t have to. I just want you to read this to the end. I respect Sarath Fonseka, as much as you do. In fact I personally want to vote him, but I can’t. I’ll tell you why. Please read till the end. You have decided to vote Sarath Fonseka for one of these three reasons

1) You are voting Sarath Fonseka simply because your parents keep voting UNP for last 50 years, and you are also inherently a UNP supporter.

2) Or, you are voting Sarath Fonseka because you believe in JVP politics, and your leader Somawansa Amarasinghe wants you to vote Sarath Fonseka this time.... See More


3) If not for these two reasons, you are voting Sarath Fonseka simply because you personally feels that’s the right thing to do. You are not influenced by either the UNP or the JVP

For what ever the reason you are voting Sarath Fonseka, you have already created mental justifications for your decision. It’s the human nature. Once you make a decision, you tend to rationalize your decision. Let me guess some of your rationalizations and ask you few questions back. You have to give answers to your own self, for these questions.

1. Sarath Fonseka was the true leader of our war victory against LTTE. He would have done it even without Mahinda as the president.

Can he? Is SF the sole contributor to the war victory? For sure, Mahinda wasn’t the “sole contributor”. But, Mahinda was the “leader” who managed all aspects of this war; not just a one frontier. The military war in the air (with Roshan Gunathilake), military war in the sea (with Karannagoda) and the military war on land (with Fonseka). How about the political war? Keeping the pressure put by opposition and international community away from the military leaders? Did Sarath Fonseka played any role in these other aspects, than the military war on the ground? Ask from your own common sense. Don’t let your political biasness to fool you.

2. Ok, war victory was just a one thing which Mahinda did right. Did he do anything else for this country? Ask from your own common sense whether these were not important to you. Don’t let your political biasness to fool you. Simply question your common sense.

3. Mahinda didn’t do anything for the business sector. Ok, if you believe in this as a reason for voting SF, tell me what you are expecting SF to do good for the business community? What guarantee you have? Remember his economic policy is going to be influenced both by UNP and JVP. Can you expect any “positive sum” in a combination of JVP and UNP economic policies? Isn’t ending the war itself is a good thing done for the business community? Isn’t building the roads a good thing for business?

4. Mahinda taxed the country a lot. Without taxing a country, how can you provide free education, free healthcare, more super highways, more flyovers, ending a 30 year old war? Are you expecting under SF he will remove all these taxes? Then how can he continue to provide us free education, free healthcare, and continue the development projects?

Lord Buddha said, “those who always find faults with others on minor concerns, despite the larger achievements they have made; will always keep on burning inside by their own flames of selfishness”. Stop being selfish. Open your mind. Put away your political jealousy. Think about the truth standing right in front of your eyes. The truth is, Mahinda did a great deal of good to this country which JR, Premadasa or Chandrika failed to do. Do you want to turn this country back by handing it over to a person who doesn’t even know how to speak to another human being? A person who get aggravated so quickly?

Tell me…. Are you ready to vote for a man who is spreading hatred on every stage that he speaks? Are you ready to vote for a person who has already threatening to get revenge the people talking against him? If you are the type of “100% media freedom”; are you ready to vote for a man who threatens the press people to resign from their jobs, even before he get elected as president? Can you expect press freedom from such a man?

I respect SF as a military commander. But I don’t want this country to be ruled by an angry totalitarian dictator, who get aggravated easily with a small provocation. I don’t want to see this country to be ruled by a person who doesn’t know the meaning of the word “patience”, “forgiveness”. I don’t want to see this country be ruled by a person who’s surrounded by people who are willing to kill people, even before their leader gets appointed as president (Just imagine the fate of MR supporters on 27th, if SF gets elected).

I know that you hate Mahinda. I don’t want you to love him. Keep hating him. But don’t cut your nose simply because you hate your face!

If you still want to vote Sarath Fonseka and see this country get ruined, please go ahead and vote him! But if you have a slightest of common sense left with you, and if you are not looking at the world with political colored glasses; see the danger ahead of us. Don't just vote Sarath Fonseka, because that you hate Mahinda. This is not about hating Mahinda. This about the future of this country. Don't play with it. DON’T VOTE SARATH FONSEKA FOR THE SAKE OF THIS COUNTRY!

Just cancel your vote, if you don't like Mahinda
 

gamiya

Member
Mar 7, 2008
336
2
0
Why I am voting for Sarath Fonseka

By Samanmalee Unanthenna
University of Colombo / University of Heidelberg
When rumours started circulating some months ago of the possibility of Sarath Fonseka being a Presidential candidate, I was horrified. As the rumours at the time linked him to the JVP, I immediately contacted a couple of my JVP friends and berated them soundly for what I believed at that time to be a disastrous decision.

My main argument was that a battle between SF and MR would leave ethnic minorities with no presidential candidate to choose between and more dangerously provide a clear signal of their increasing marginalisation from political power. The nomination of SF confirmed to me that the Sri Lankan state was unabashedly and arrogantly strengthening itself as a Sinhala state.
SF had not won my respect as a military commander. While I had always been a critique of the totalitarian and despotic nature of the LTTE, I did not believe that a brutal state military response that appeared to have little regard for civilians and was brutal towards dissenters was any better.
The brutality of the last few days of the war, the erosion of democratic freedoms as a condition for winning the war, the ease with which words such as patriot, traitor and terrorist were bandied around, the arrogance with which the state denied any civilian casualties, the suppression of the media and the suppression of any dissenting voices did little to endear me towards one of the main architects of the war. When at the conclusion of the war, the self satisfied and insensitive celebrations which followed without any reflections on the horrors and the brutality of war and the loss of lives disgusted me.
However, I still hoped that with the end of the war, the Rajapakse regime would have the sagacity to change tracks; to understand that the urgent need of the moment was reconciliation and repairing the wounds of war; to seize the moment to ensure that past mistakes would not be repeated. Instead, what I saw was arrogance of an unimaginable scale. Instead of reassuring ethnic minorities of their place in the nation, what I saw was the unleashing of an idea of a brash and insensitive Sinhala nation.
The President erased minorities in his ‘victory’ speech and created a new enemy (those who do not love the country as defined by the state, we presume) and at no point was there any acknowledgement of the cost and the suffering of the 30 years of violence. Indeed, the insensitivity was so great that the large projects to develop war ravaged areas, which were touted widely as the ‘peace dividends’ were named in the language that was not of the majority of the area! It seemed that racists of the most virulent kind had been unleashed within the regime.
Equally worryingly, the totalitarian characteristics of a regime at war were being institutionalised and reaffirmed in these supposed times of peace. There was still no space for dissent; democratic processes and institutions that had suffered during the war continued to be suffocated; continuing emergency regulations, further strengthening of the military, the militarisation of civil administration, the promotion of the cult of personality, the continuous allegations of mysterious and unspecific external and internal threats signalled a strengthening of totalitarianism rather than its weakening.
And then there was the corruption and the nepotism. The sheer scale and complete shamelessness was of a scale and intensity that Sri Lanka had never before experienced. And we had experienced corruption and nepotism before. It was clear that this was not a political regime but a family regime.
It was embarrassing to see the impotence of the jumbo cabinet. Stories of Namal Rajapakse already behaving like he was an elected official, Gotabhaya Rajapakse violating all codes of conduct of public service by openly commenting on political issues, the ubiquitous presence of Basil Rajapakse at every turn and the seemingly unending supply of Rapapakse relations and friends being appointed to state funded positions was sickening to say the least.
This regime had to go- of this i was certain. But I was despairing whether the opposition would be able to get its act together and more importantly field a candidate that could challenge the sitting President. It felt as if we were going to be stuck with the Rajapakses for a good while and it seemed like a good time to think of a long exile abroad.
However, when the opposition named its common candidate I was still unconvinced. My doubts regarding Sarath Fonseka had still not changed. And they haven’t changed. But what has changed is my optimism regarding the space that has been created for the first time in as many years as I can remember for the citizens of this country to actually influence the kind of government we want. For the first time in my life, there seems to be a campaign that is based not on extravagant promises but a set of common, achievable targets. Targets that we can all work for, believe in and desperately need if this country is to have any hope at all.
There is another reason why I am voting for Sarath Fonseka: when I watch the TV debates, read the newspapers or watch the political rallies there is a clear difference among the calibre of people surrounding the two main candidates. MR is surrounded by thugs, racists, opportunists and fear mongers. Their ability to spew filth is astounding. They seem to be consumed by anger and hatred. By contrast, at the very least, the key people in the SF campaign have managed to present themselves as far more principled and decent. Certainly, both the JVP and the UNP seem to be better off after the rats have deserted them.
And when I look at the SF campaign, I see an alliance of people I would like to see in power in a post war Sri Lanka. I certainly do not want to see the likes of Wimal Weerawansa, Champika Ranawaka or Mahindananda Aluthgamage in charge of anything. I did not think it was possible for the JVP, UNP, TNA and the SLMC to stand on the same platform and agree to a common agenda of urgent national issues while agreeing to disagree on other issues.
It fills me with hope to see the diversity of political views and positions in that campaign and the way they have managed to rise above their disagreements in the face of major national challenges. I want to see that diversity in future governments.
But don’t get me wrong: I am not a hopeless optimist or a romantic. When SF wins on the 26th of January, 2010, I know that this country will face huge challenges. I know that it will be then when the divisions among the opposition will start to appear. More seriously (and worryingly), it will be then that the true nature of SF will emerge.
But I believe that my role in this election will not end after I cast my vote on the 26th. I believe that I will have a greater responsibility than ever to ensure that the government I elected fulfils its mandate. And that if it means I have to get on the streets to do that I will do it. What this election has done is provided us with a chance; a chance with a risk, but a chance, nevertheless.
The alternative is too frightening to even contemplate.

http://transcurrents.com/tc/2010/01/why_i_am_voting_for_sarath_fon.html#more